As transatlantic relations have grown increasingly strained, concerns over European military sovereignty have been mounting.
The European Union has remained deeply reliant on US defence equipment, leaving its military capabilities vulnerable to US oversight and control.
Former French General Éric Autellet compared Europe’s dependence on US weapons systems to the software restrictions placed on consumer electronics.
“Technically, the United States can prevent an F-35 aircraft from taking off. It’s like a Tesla car that has to be updated regularly,” he told Le Figaro on March 10.
His concerns echoed those of European defence industry leaders.
Speaking to Augsburger Allgemeine in an interview on March 7, Michael Schöllhorn, CEO of Airbus’ military division, warned against Berlin’s increasing reliance on US arms manufacturers.
Germany, in particular, must realise that Europe is threatened and too weak economically and militarily in this new era of history
“If we use the increase in defence spending to continue buying standard products from the United States, we will be reinforcing our dependence on other countries,” he cautioned.
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Berlin’s former socialist government announced the purchase of 35 F-35 fighter jets from US manufacturer Lockheed Martin — further entrenching itself in Washington’s defence supply chain.
Schöllhorn also gave the example of Denmark and the now contested Greenland territory with the US.
‘The Danes, with their American F-35 aircraft, realise that it might not be such a good idea if one day they were to have the idea of defending Greenland. They wouldn’t even get that far,” he said.
The US could take control of Greenland “tomorrow” by simple decree if it wanted, a Danish politician said on Sunday. https://t.co/Fw61h15NKl
— Brussels Signal (@brusselssignal) January 26, 2025
The issue of US reliance was not about hardware but about control.
European defence firms using US components or technology are subject to the country’s International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), which granted Washington a say in where and how those products were used or exported.
Under ITAR, all defence-related articles and services were classified under the US Munitions List (USML), requiring authorisation from the US State Department before being exported or transferred.
This has raised alarm bells across Europe, where officials worry about the potential for Washington to dictate European military decisions.
The European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS), unveiled in March 2024, called for a shift to a “war economy mode” to increase the continent’s defence industry.
The plan aimed to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and reinforce Europe’s ability to act independently, regardless of shifts in US politics.
The transatlantic arms-supply relationship has deep roots. Imports from the USA have risen
Despite that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, European countries have rapidly increased their US arms contracts.
A March 10 report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) found that arms imports by European NATO members more than doubled between 2015–19 and 2020–24, soaring by 105 per cent. The US accounted for 64 per cent of these imports, up from 52 per cent in the previous period.
“With an increasingly belligerent Russia and transatlantic relations under stress during the first Trump presidency, European NATO states have taken steps to reduce their dependence on arms imports and to strengthen the European arms industry,” said Pieter Wezeman, senior researcher with the SIPRI Arms Transfers Programme.
“But the transatlantic arms-supply relationship has deep roots. Imports from the USA have risen, and European NATO states have almost 500 combat aircraft and many other weapons still on order from the USA,” he added.
US oversight on European defence capabilities has not stopped at arms equipment.
While the French President Emmanuel Macron has signalled openness to extending nuclear protection to EU allies — potentially alongside the UK — one inconvenient truth remains: US oversight.
France produces its weapons on its own territory and is not subject to any NATO obligations, which gives Paris space in defining its doctrine.
The UK’s deterrent capabilities are firmly embedded within NATO’s Nuclear Planning Group, with warheads designed in the US.
Benoît Grémare, a specialist in nuclear deterrence at the Institut d’Études de Stratégie et de Défense, highlighted how Brexit has deepened London’s reliance on Washington.
“A nuclear power since 1952, the UK now solely relies on submarine-launched ballistic missiles and has ramped up its stockpile to 260 warheads since Brexit,” he noted on March 3.
Washington’s oversight in Europe has been highlighted in Ukraine, where speculation has been mounting over Elon Musk’s alleged influence via the Starlink satellite network.
Reports had suggested the tech billionaire wanted to restrict Kyiv’s access to the system — crucial for battlefield communications — to push for peace talks with Moscow on US terms.
Starlink has been a lifeline for Ukrainian forces on the battlefield.
The situation underscored the reality that Ukraine’s ability to fight depended on decisions not made in Kyiv but in Washington.
US oversight on EU defence was an issue that European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen touched upon March 4 when she unveiled her €800 billion defence plan for the bloc.
“We are in an era of rearmament. And Europe is ready to massively boost its defence spending,” she said, adding that the bloc had to “address the long-term need to take on much more responsibility for our own European security”.
German chancellor-in-waiting Friedrich Merz has said he would like talks with France and Britain about sharing their nuclear weapons, but not as a substitute for US nuclear protection of Europe. https://t.co/TlYj7aEgMZ
— Brussels Signal (@brusselssignal) March 10, 2025
