Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. (Sean Gallup/Getty Images)

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Armenia’s Church-state clash: PM Pashinyan targets clergy amid EU pivot

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A resolution by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has highlighted growing tensions between Armenia’s Government and the Armenian Apostolic Church amid the arrest of several senior clerics.

Authorities accuse members of the clergy of engaging in subversive activities allegedly backed by Russia and aimed at undermining Armenia’s efforts to strengthen ties with the European Union.

The resolution was approved on January 26 and titled Progress of the Assembly’s Monitoring Procedure. It assesses democratic standards and human rights across member states and flags Armenia for rising political polarisation and institutional fragility.

Over the past year, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration has engaged in a highly public confrontation with the Church, led by Catholicos Karekin II.

The Armenian Apostolic Church, one of the world’s oldest Christian communities, remains a central authority for Armenians domestically and in the diaspora, overseeing dioceses in Russia, the US, France and the Middle East.

Between 12 and 14 senior figures have reportedly been detained, sparking accusations that the charges are politically motivated.

According to Aldo Ferrari, an Italian scholar and professor of Armenian studies at Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, the escalation of tensions is closely tied to Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections in June and Pashinyan’s pro-European course.

Pashinyan commands the support of only 10 per cent to 15 per cent of the population and fears defeat.

“For this reason, he is targeting the Church, potentially to prevent a strong parliamentary opposition from forming around it,” Ferrari said.

He adds that Pashinyan views the Church as a “Trojan horse” for Russia and is determined to distance Armenia from Moscow while moving closer to the EU.

To counter perceived Russian influence, the PM has had senior figures arrested, criticised the Catholicos and pressured bishops to comply.

“The confrontation has reached an unprecedented intensity,” Ferrari noted.

He highlights that the current Catholicos maintains strong ties with Russia, as Armenia did until the Velvet Revolution of 2018, which brought Pashinyan to power and displaced pro-Russian opponents.

The Catholicos’ brother heads the Church’s Russian diocese.

The break between Pashinyan and the Church began in 2020, following Armenia’s defeat in the war against Azerbaijan, which resulted in the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh.

After the defeat, the Catholicos demanded Pashinyan’s resignation.

From that moment, Pashinyan pursued a dual strategy: Distancing Armenia from Russia while seeking closer ties with the EU and simultaneously engaging in a rapprochement with Armenia’s historic adversaries, Turkey and Azerbaijan. He he has been strongly criticised for that move by senior figures in the Church.

According to Ferrari, within this geopolitical shift, Pashinyan is attempting to create a national church, acting against the canons of the Armenian Church, which is traditionally unified across the diaspora, and aiming instead to establish one aligned with his authority.

“The Church has been identified as a potential hub for opposition co-ordination,” Ferrari noted.

He also pointed out that Pashinyan’s actions against the Church call into question his role as Armenia’s first fully democratic leader, a position he has claimed since 2018.

He has since been praised by figures such as French President Emmanuel Macron and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Ferrari adds, though, that they and other leaders have effectively overlooked Pahinyan’s political stand that limits the formation of a credible opposition.

“By targeting the Church, Pashinyan faces no organised rival and could potentially win [the upcoming election] despite low public support,” Ferrari concluded.