In recent days, Germany, under globalist leadership, has proposed the creation within the European Union of the so-called E6 format – an informal framework bringing together the EU’s six largest economies: Germany, France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Poland – intended to accelerate the implementation of selected economic policies whenever decision-making at the level of the EU-27 becomes stalled. Poland has been invited to join this initiative, and representatives of the current government have declared their support for it “in principle”.
Proponents of E6 speak of strengthening eurozone economies, boosting investment and reducing dependence on external suppliers. In reality, however, this initiative amounts to an extra-treaty structural shift in the way decisions are made within the EU. Were E6 to become operational, it would represent a major step towards de facto centralisation by fait accompli, reinforcing the dominance of Germany and France and enabling key policies – from energy to defence – to be shaped in line with the interests of the largest players. From Poland’s perspective, this project fragments Central Europe as a genuine political actor and, by drawing Poland into the EU’s “core integration”, neutralises its role as a bastion of freedom, normality, and transatlantic partnership. This includes pressure to adopt the euro and further concentration of power in Brussels – on terms fundamentally at odds with the strategic interests of Poland and the wider Central European region.
The E6 format is not a neutral “efficiency upgrade” of the EU, but an attempt to shift real decision-making into a narrow, informal circle of Member States dominated by Germany and France, now firmly in the hands of globalist elites. Its core danger lies in accelerating the mechanisms of dominance by the largest Member States and deepening EU centralisation at the expense of national sovereignty. For Poland, this means being gradually drawn into the potentially fatal machinery of a system designed in Brussels, in which Warsaw – even as a formal participant – would remain a marginal and ultimately dispensable partner. Unlike within the existing treaty-based framework, where Poland can, under favourable political conditions, build effective coalitions, the E6 structure would drastically curtail such room for manoeuvre.
Poland is too large an economy, too significant a military actor – possessing the largest land army in Europe and defence spending approaching 5 per cent of GDP – and too strategically located to be ignored. It also has the potential to leverage fully its strengths thanks to traditionally close and friendly relations with the United States – even if the current, compliant Tusk government is deliberately squandering these advantages. Today, Poland has become a laboratory of liberal lawlessness and the dismantling of state structures and cultural identity, where liberal elites are refining instruments that may next be deployed against other nations: Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, or even a politically reawakening France. In recent weeks, the intensity of the struggle for the “Polish soul” has become particularly visible: Whether Poles will remain anchored in Western values, freedom of speech and conscience, and transatlantic cooperation in the sense articulated by JD Vance in Munich last year – or whether they will be drawn, not only politically but also at the level of social consciousness, into the orbit of Brussels’ left-liberal elites.
The globalist Tusk government is pursuing a systematic policy of fostering anti-American sentiment, testing how far it can go in weakening Polish-American relations. We are witnessing a disinformation campaign of a scale and intensity comparable to communist anti-American propaganda of the 1980s. Liberal media – both German and American – together with politicians from Tusk’s ruling coalition, portray everything related to the Trump administration in a grossly manipulative manner: From events in Minneapolis and the actions of ICE, through the Greenland issue, to the Epstein affair, where alleged “Polish threads” prompted criminal proceedings on Tusk’s instruction and were then framed as a supposed “Donald Trump scandal”. Statements by Donald Trump criticising NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan are misrepresented as attacks on Poland, meanwhile communications by US Ambassador Rose concerning the offensive remarks made by a former communist apparatchik, now serving as Speaker of the Polish Sejm under a left-liberal majority, are framed as “interference in Polish affairs”. In short, a large-scale disinformation operation is underway to turn Poles away from America and President Donald Trump, reshaping Poland’s traditionally pro-American sympathies to align with the agenda of the Brussels-imposed, collaborationist government in Warsaw.
Drawing Poland into the E6 format is, in effect, a plan for its final neutralisation through entanglement in a constricting embrace. During eight years of conservative government, Poland – often in coordination with Hungary – demonstrated that it could effectively block ideologically-driven agendas, such as the imposition of woke policies in family law, by using or credibly threatening to use its veto. This is merely one example from a policy area I had the honour to oversee in government, illustrating how globalist projects can be stopped when national governments retain real leverage. Under E6, however, agendas in finance, defence, capital markets, raw materials, energy and industrial policy would be pre-negotiated within this inner circle, with Germany and France exercising decisive influence, and subsequently imposed on the EU-27 as a starting point. This would sharply narrow Poland’s room for manoeuvre and weaken its ability to build broader coalitions.
As a preliminary step in an advancing centralisation project, E6 would in practice create a two-tier Europe and dismantle the existing balance within the EU. The creation of such an inner circle – and Poland’s inclusion within it – would weaken relations with the Visegrád Group, the Baltic states and Eastern partners, undermining Poland’s role as a bridge between “old” Western Europe and Central and Eastern Europe. It would also entail abandoning Poland’s position as a regional leader. In practical terms, this would significantly weaken Central Europe as a whole, forfeit the ambition of becoming a genuinely equal “second lung” of the continent, and open more strategic space in this part of Europe for Russia and China, both seeking access routes to the Atlantic.
From a geopolitical standpoint, E6 threatens to dilute Poland’s hard security priorities. If this format begins to shape defence policy, even a government in Warsaw committed to transatlantic partnership would inevitably be outvoted on issues such as policy towards Russia or the role of the United States and NATO, particularly under pressure from Paris to advance a version of “European strategic autonomy”. For Germany, the immediate benefit would be the neutralisation of US efforts to anchor European defence strategy more strongly in Poland and less in Germany. In the longer term, it would facilitate Berlin’s emergence, under the current globalist-led government, as a power centre acting independently of – and increasingly in opposition to – the United States. In the short term, this weakens the transatlantic security pillar vital to Poland; in the long term, it contributes to pushing America out of Europe and reviving a dangerous concert-of-powers dynamic, with a dependent, sovereignty-deprived Poland once again exposed to the strategic designs of Russia.
E6 also entails tangible economic and constitutional costs. Drawing Poland into the EU’s “core” would mean pressure to submit to deeper fiscal integration, capital markets union and, ultimately, eurozone membership – on terms primarily benefiting the largest economies. Italy and Spain have already paid a heavy price for this model, as have smaller states such as Slovakia and Lithuania. At the same time, the format aligns with a broader agenda of weakening veto rights and expanding majority voting, reducing the ability of Poland and other smaller Member States to block unfavourable decisions and to advance their own policy priorities.
Contrary to what the current globalist government in Warsaw will seek to portray, E6 is not an “elevation of Poland into the elite”, but a structural reconfiguration of EU decision-making that strengthens German and French dominance and fragments Central Europe as a genuine political actor. By drawing Poland into core integration, it neutralises its role as a bastion of freedom, normality and transatlantic partnership, including through pressure towards euro adoption and further centralisation of power. All of this takes place on terms fundamentally incompatible with the strategic interests of Poland and Central Europe, as well as with the civilisational interests of all those who seek to remain part of the community of free people and sovereign states of the West.
Marcin Romanowski is a Doctor of Law, university lecturer, former Deputy Minister of Justice in the Law and Justice government, currently a Member of the Polish Parliament in exile in Hungary and Director of the Hungarian-Polish Institute of Freedom in Budapest
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