The release of recordings of conversations between Hungary’s Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó and his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov was intended to be the opposition’s final blow to Viktor Orbán’s party. Released by Szabolcs Panyi, a journalist criticised for his activist form of journalism, not long before the April 12 election, the tapes were, in the opposition’s view, intended to discredit the government both internationally and domestically. But something went wrong.
Firstly, the recordings turned out to be several years old and, despite being promoted as a major scandal, contained nothing extraordinary. After all, Hungary’s game of maintaining a balance between the EU and Russia is no secret to anyone. Some may not like it, and it is often criticised within the EU, but it is, after all, a policy that is openly proclaimed and pursued.
Secondly, it was quickly revealed that it was the activist Panyi himself, who was bragging he had ‘got hold of’ the sensational material, was the one who handed the minister’s phone number over to foreign secret services so that they could record him and then give the sensational tapes to him. Questions are being asked whether this is journalism or working as an operative of foreign intelligence services.
Thirdly, the latest recording featuring Panyi, which has appeared online, reveals that the activist is knowingly collaborating with three foreign intelligence services and is fully aware that what he is doing could be regarded as a breach of Hungary’s national security. Cooperation with the secret services of foreign countries is illegal in all European Union member states, including Hungary.
Fourthly, for a journalist, Panyi has surprisingly close ties with the opposition camp. He has worked closely with Anita Orbán (a coincidence of surnames; no links to Prime Minister Orbán), who is tipped as a possible foreign minister should the opposition win. In the recordings just released, he speaks of his hour-long private meeting with opposition leader Péter Magyar.
Fifthly, observers may say Panyi’s activity on social media bears more resemblance to the role of a Tisza spokesperson counting down the days to the election than to the voice of a free media outlet mocking Prime Minister Orbán’s comments.
That is what we know. What do we not know? Exactly which intelligence services with whom Panyi is working. He himself says in the recordings that they are three European intelligence services. My contacts in Hungary suggest that only the French, the Germans, and possibly the Ukrainians – who are actively trying to influence the outcome of the Hungarian elections (as I wrote about in Brussels Signal in the article “News Special: Are Ukrainian intelligence services involved in Hungarian election?”) – have such capabilities.
We also do not know exactly when Panyi’s revelations about cooperation with foreign services were recorded. An analysis of the context points to the year 2025. Nor do we know to whom he is speaking; the voices have not been identified, though it is known that it is a woman. It also remains a mystery who made the recordings and sent them to the media. However, their authenticity has been confirmed, and Panyi does not dispute them either.
The revelation of Szabolcs Panyi’s links to foreign intelligence services marks a major turning point in the heated election campaign in Hungary. The opposition wanted to win with the tapes, but it seems they are losing this battle.
Prime Minister Viktor Orbán also commented on the whole affair, viewing it as confirmation of Fidesz’s main campaign line – that the opposition are puppets controlled from abroad, ready to sell off Hungary’s key economic interests and drag the country into war in exchange for any help in securing victory.
Orbán said: “Szabolcs Panyi has admitted that he worked not with one, not two, but three European intelligence services to discredit the Hungarian government, along with the leader of the Tisza party. It is clear that unprecedented foreign pressure is being exerted on Hungary because we refuse to accept the oil blockade, we will not allow Ukraine into the Union, and we will not let Hungarian families be forced to pay for war loans. That is what they have a problem with. We must not allow pro-Ukraine agents to form a government here. On April 12 Hungarians must decide. Fidesz is the safe choice,” wrote Orbán.
The activist himself replied that, “Hungary’s PM is now attacking and lying about an investigative journalist in the final days of his campaign—right after we exposed and corroborated his foreign minister’s collusion with Russia over EU sanctions”. He added: “He used to ignore us; now he appears rattled.” Yet a little more activism from Mr Panyi and the phrase “independent investigative journalism” will soon be treated as an insult by truly independent journalists.
The war on recordings unleashed by the opposition could prove decisive in the campaign’s final stages.
Recordings of a conversation between a woman, Peter Magyar’s ex-girlfriend, and a man, a prominent politician from the Tisza party, have just appeared on social media. Accusations were made about sexual behaviour which cannot be repeated here.
Brutal? Disgusting? The recordings or the campaign? That’s politics.
The elections are on April 12. For now, we are seeing an interesting process of the polls becoming more realistic. Left-wing polling organisations no longer claim that Tisza is leading by 20 points. Currently, it is reportedly 6 percentage points. Conversely, polling organisations close to the conservatives give Fidesz a lead of a few points.
News Special: Are Ukrainian intelligence services involved in Hungarian election?