A legislative push against anti-Semitism has blown up into a fierce internal fight within the Italian Left.
On one side are those who rally to Israel’s defence, insisting the Left must draw a clear line against every form of anti-Jewish hostility.
The spark was a draft law unveiled on December 4 by Democratic Party (PD) heavyweight Graziano Delrio, aimed at combating anti-Semitism. At its core is the highly contested International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of anti-Semitism, a framework to identify anti-Semitic speech, including examples such as comparing Israel to the Nazis.
Widely adopted in European Union circles, it is unpopular among many left-wing activists who fear it conflates political criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism. The bill also envisages sanctions for online anti-Semitic content and obliges universities to appoint officials to monitor violations.
On the other side are those who see a campaign increasingly used, in their view, to silence criticism of Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu’s government — exposing them to accusations of anti-Semitism from parts of Italy’s Jewish community.
The row now threatens to fracture the campo largo — the fragile constellation of left-wing forces the Democratic Party (PD) hopes to unite against the right-wing government ahead of the 2027 elections.
Over the weekend of December 6, the Left erupted. Critics — from Greens leader Angelo Bonelli to allies of PD leader Elly Schlein — warned that the proposal blurs the line between hate speech and legitimate political criticism of Israel.
Senate PD leader Francesco Boccia publicly rebuked Delrio, noting that the bill was submitted “in a personal capacity” and “does not represent the party line”.
The concern is that some IHRA examples — such as comparing Israeli policies to historical atrocities or describing the Gaza tragedy as a genocide — could be treated as anti-Semitic by law, effectively criminalising harsh criticism of Israeli governments. For the pro-Palestine Left, this marked a red line.
Adding to the tension, Walker Meghnagi, president of Milan’s Jewish community — who had previously described the PD as “full of anti-Semites” — criticised left-wing parties for ignoring anti-Semitic tendencies emerging on the fringes of pro-Palestinian activism.
Into this mix stepped Pina Picierno, PD MEP and Vice-President of the European Parliament, who is a staunch defender of the bill.
She dismissed the backlash as “hypocrisy” and praised Delrio for legislative action where others had only tweeted. Yet she faces criticism for meeting, at the end of 2024, a right-wing Israeli think-tank accused of downplaying settler violence. For critics, her support fits a worrying pattern.
Many argue the IHRA definition is overly broad and that allowing universities and digital platforms to police content risks pre-emptive censorship, chilling debate. In an already inflamed political climate due to the Gaza war, the proposal saw differences blow up spectacularly.
Delrio’s initiative has exposed a deep identity struggle within the PD: A tug-of-war between the centrist, institutional wing — eager to present the party as a guardian of liberal democracy and defending Israel as a Western-style democracy — and a left flank determined to defend free expression on Israel–Palestine at all costs, a stance that has led to accusations of anti-Semitism and of justifying Hamas.
Looming over it all is the fragile fate of the campo largo, a loosely stitched alliance of moderate democrats, Greens, far-leftists and civic movements, united mainly by the goal of unseating the Right. The firestorm at the moment could cause it significant damage.
For now, the PD leadership appears to be keeping the bill at arm’s length. Yet the episode has laid bare fractures.
The Italian Left sought a debate on anti-Semitism; instead, it ignited a family feud — inflamed by external accusations, internal mistrust and a political climate in which Israel–Palestine has become the ultimate fault line.
The aftershocks are only just beginning.
