Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez delivers a speech as he inaugurates the Conference of Ambassadors in Madrid, Spain. EPA/ZIPI

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Top taxes, broken services: Spaniards pay the price of Sánchez’s mass regularisation

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The Spanish government has opened a mass regularisation that will hand residence and work permits, together with immediate access to Social Security and regional health services, to at least half a million undocumented immigrants. The measure, enacted by decree, arrives in a country with one of the heaviest tax burdens in Europe, surgical waiting lists at a record high, and a housing market already out of reach for much of the native population.

The regularisation itself has been trailed for months and is, in that sense, no surprise. The obvious question now being raised — though studiously avoided by the governing coalition — is who will carry the weight of adding several hundred thousand new formal claimants to a welfare state whose cracks have already widened into fissures. The answer, bluntly, is the Spanish taxpayer, and in particular the native middle and working class already footing the bill.

A HEALTH SERVICE AT BREAKING POINT

The latest figures from the Ministry of Health, covering the end of 2025, make the starting point plain. Some 853,509 people were awaiting an operation at the end of last year, with 21.6 per cent of patients waiting more than six months. The average wait for surgery stands at 121 days, and 102 days for a specialist consultation. Plastic surgery leads the queues at 269 days, followed by neurosurgery at 172 days. More than four million Spaniards are in line simply to see a specialist, and patients in Castilla-La Mancha or the Canary Islands can wait roughly twice as long as those in Madrid or the Basque Country.

Much of the problem is structural. Spain spends 10.7 per cent of GDP on healthcare against an EU average of around 11 per cent, but per capita outlays remain below the bloc’s average across almost every category, according to the OECD’s 2025 Country Health Profile. Austerity cuts from the 2008 crisis were never fully reversed and the pandemic added a backlog that has not cleared. Issuing health cards to half a million new residents — as the decree does from the moment an application is admitted — does not, by itself, create new hospital beds, operating theatres or consultants.

A HOUSING SQUEEZE ALREADY CRUSHING THE YOUNG

The housing picture is no better. Rents have roughly doubled since 2020 while wages over the same period have risen only 7 to 8 per cent. The average Spaniard now spends close to half of a typical salary on an 80-square-metre flat, with Madrid tenants forking out up to 71 per cent of their income on rent. Idealista’s Q3 2025 data, using a different methodology, puts the national average at 36 per cent and Madrid at 39 per cent — still well above the 30 per cent affordability threshold recommended by financial regulators.

Spain’s accumulated housing deficit at more than 730,000 homes, and BBVA Research expects it to approach 800,000 by 2027. Only about 121,800 free-market housing starts were recorded in 2025 — a sixth of the pre-2008 rate and barely half of what demand requires. Young Spaniards are already renting rooms rather than flats and postponing household formation. Into that market, half a million newly legalised residents — many entitled to family reunification under the decree — will arrive as tenants chasing the same scarce stock.

AMONG EUROPE’S HIGHEST TAX BURDENS

All of this weighs on a tax base squeezed hard by European standards. Valencia’s combined top marginal income-tax rate stands at 54 per cent, the fourth highest in Europe after Denmark, France and Austria, and several other regions are not far behind. Spain ranks 34th out of 38 countries on the 2025 International Tax Competitiveness Index. The upper bands of the progressive income tax kick in at comparatively low thresholds, so middle earners are hit harder than in Germany or the United Kingdom. For unrelated heirs, the top inheritance tax rate reaches 87.6 per cent, the highest in the world.

Employers’ social-security contributions also run well above the OECD average, pushing up the overall “tax wedge” on labour. In practical terms, a middle-income Spaniard hands over a large share of earnings to the state and then finds an overburdened system when they try to use the services it pays for.

GOVERNMENT FRAMING, GROWING UNEASE

Pedro Sánchez has presented the decree as “an act of justice and a necessity,” arguing that regularisation will bring workers into the formal economy, generate additional revenue and ease labour shortages in agriculture, hospitality, construction and elder care.

Some regional and local administrations note that much of the fallout — extra demand on hospitals, schools and subsidised housing — will land on regional budgets already under strain. The decree is strikingly out of step with the wider European drift, as Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Italy and Greece tighten asylum and residency rules and Brussels pushes member states to accelerate returns.

For many Spaniards the legal mechanics matter less than the timing. They pay among Europe’s highest taxes, they wait months for a consultant, they cannot afford a flat, and now the state is extending eligibility to a system already failing those who fund it. Whether the decree survives the courts is, in that sense, a secondary question. The political one — who, exactly, the Spanish welfare state is for — will outlast the 30 June deadline for applications.