In 2003, neoconservative thinker Robert Kagan published a book titled, “Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order.” In it, he famously asserted that “Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus.” According to Kagan, Europeans had settled into a post-historical world, while the United States still grasped the harsh realities of power. This perspective was especially popular among conservatives prior to the Iraq invasion. For instance, then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld spoke of “Old Europe” (countries like Germany and France that opposed the Iraq War) and “New Europe” (former Eastern Bloc countries that supported it).
American identity is deeply rooted in a sense of contrast with Europe, not just seeing itself as a better, but as a newer version of the old continent. George Washington, in his farewell address, advised maintaining a healthy distance from European entanglements, arguing that European regional and dynastic rivalries were largely irrelevant to American interests. Yet history shows that the US has frequently failed to heed this advice. Beyond geopolitical interests, the US is considerably more European than it often acknowledges.
The US stands as a military and economic superpower and is one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse nations in the world. Despite this diversity, rooted in a long history of immigration, the US has cultivated a strong sense of national unity and patriotism. Interestingly, Americans are significantly more tolerant compared to other diverse nations. According to surveys, less than 5 per cent of Americans would not want a neighbour of a different race, compared to much higher percentages in countries like India, Russia, France, and Turkey.
The rise of interracial marriages since the 1960s (from 3 per cent in 1967 to 17 per cent in 2015) and the increasingly positive view on marriages between blacks and whites (from 4 per cent in 1961 to over 90 per cent in 2021) demonstrate this trend. American author Batya Ungar-Sargon notes in her book “Second Class” that racism is less of a daily issue for the working class, despite being a focus for the academic elite.
The US’s enduring success, despite its problems, can be traced back to its European roots. Europe’s historical development led to a dual identity: strong national identities alongside a shared European identity. This dual identity stemmed from the tribal structure after the decline of the Western Roman Empire, evident in regional names like Bavaria and Saxony, but those tribes where transformed over time through Christianisation into national, not tribal, identities. Stanford University economist Avner Greif details how the Catholic Church shaped European tribal societies with strict regulations on adoption, polygamy, divorce, marriage between close cousins, and arranged marriages, contributing to the emancipation of the individual, a concept later embedded in American values.
The American experience mirrors the European experience in that citizens often see themselves as part of both an ethnicity and a larger national identity. America’s principle of holding pride in both non-American roots and American identity is like the Europeans sense of belonging both to specific nations while also having a concept of being European.
Even contemporary African-American culture owes much to European influence. In his book “Black Rednecks and White Liberals,” Thomas Sowell argues that many challenges in the black community reflect the Scottish-Irish immigrant culture of pre-Civil War America. This culture’s emphasis on honour and a propensity for violence, a frequent theme in rap songs, have Celtic rather than African roots.
Yet, these similarities highlight a major difference: the US, for many immigrants, represented a fresh “European” start, while Europe’s historical and cultural differences make the formation of a “United States of Europe” challenging. Despite its diversity, the US created a unified state with a common language and a constitution protecting individual rights while limiting state power. The US Constitution’s brevity, fitting into a 36-page pocketbook, contrasts sharply with the failed 475-page “Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe” in 2004.
That being said, tensions between US states and the federal government can be as intense as those between Brussels and EU member states. For instance, the federal government could not directly impose the 1984 under-21 alcohol prohibition on states and instead threatened to withhold highway funds, mirroring the EU’s tactics with members like Poland and Hungary.
Both the US and Europe are federal and imperial, with tensions heightened during crises. Typically, however, the federal approach proves more sustainable. Stateside, ideological extremes prompt migration to more congenial states. For instance, California—epitomizing progressive liberalism—lost over a million residents between 2020 and 2022, while Florida, with a more conservative stance, gained 800,000. This “Voting with your Feet” phenomenon means no governor can afford to alienate their populace indefinitely, curbing radicalisation. Europe could benefit from a similar structure, allowing member states to tailor policies to their unique needs rather than enforcing uniform ideologies.
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